INFO: No text found or a Secretary of State to President Barrack Obama, who has captured the imagination of India, a person, who is well known and liked in India, the first chair of the India "Caucus" in the Senate, a presidential candidate, who received massive support from the Indian Americans, Hillary Clinton is arriving in India a little too late.
She has been in office for nearly six months and she has already visited some other countries in Asia and some of her pronouncements in China have caused concern in India. There are other reasons for her to reassure India that the strategic partnership between the two countries is intact. She, therefore, has a hard task ahead of her to make the visit a success.
Of course, the Obama Administration had to wait till the elections in India. Like everyone else, the US might also have expected change in India.
But when the United States voted for change, drastic change, and India voted for no change. The electorate in either country did not have India-US relations uppermost in their minds.
But their votes will have a profound impact on the ties between the two countries.
Public opinion shapes foreign policy in these democratic nations.
Obama has goodwill for India and India has admiration for Obama's emergence. But the hard reality beckons Obama away from India to the killing fields of the Swat valley. He has his own war in Afghanistan.
He wants to keep the generals away from power in Pakistan to preserve a fledgling democracy and yet, he needs to deploy them in his own battle lines.
According to him, India has nothing to offer to the war on terror except to keep out of the way and Kashmir is a mere irritant, which should not distract Pakistan from doing its assigned task.
Offensive suggestions such as appointment of a special envoy for Kashmir and mediation have been abandoned, but in substance, demilitarization of Kashmir and early settlement of the issue are very much on the table. At the very least, India must resume the peace process to give Pakistan a certain level of comfort to fight the Taliban.
In the eyes of some Obama advisers, the nuclear deal was a sell out to India and, given a choice, they would retrieve much of what was given away by Bush. But the Obama Administration is committed to the implementation of the deal in a way it does not hurt the non-proliferation objectives of the United States. The litmus test of the implementation of the deal is whether the Obama Administration will treat India as a partner in non-proliferation or bring it back to the list of targets, with minimum leeway for its responsible behavior.
If it is the latter, India and the US will face roadblocks on the track ahead. It may not be "go!" after "1, 2. 3…", as was expected.
President Obama and Secretary Clinton have set the atmospherics right with India, but it is on policy that trouble may arise. They have stressed continuity in relations, calling the present phase 3.0, which takes on board the Bush policy towards India without challenge.
But beginning with the nuclear agreement, there are several issues on which either side has to find adjustments.
If that is indeed the case, nuclear trade alone need not determine the success of the relationship.
Indian industry has its anxiety over Obama's opposition to outsourcing. If India can provide goods and services cheaper and better, he will find it hard to keep companies from going there, even though his first priority is to create jobs in the Unite States.
Hillary Clinton will face a barrage of questions on Afpak policy and the new Administration's views on Kashmir.
She will have to reiterate that the US has no intention to mediate on Kashmir, as Pakistan wants it to do as a quid pro quo for the war on terror. The assistance given to Pakistan will also be a matter of discussion in New Delhi. President Obama has stated that Pakistan has been using US assistance to arm itself against India.
Hillary Clinton has offered "to cooperate with New Delhi as it shoulders the responsibilities that accompany its new position of global leadership." President Obama himself has said on July 10, 2009 that he is a strong supporter of the UN, but it has to be reformed and revitalized. But they should know that nothing short of a commitment to expand the permanent membership of the Security Council with the inclusion of developing countries will meet the aspirations of New Delhi.
Hillary will find her counterpart, SM Krishna, suave, experienced and knowledgeable.
Having been a student in the United States and a frequent visitor here, he will be able to articulate Indian concerns effectively.
He will also be receptive to her points of view.
Together, they can prepare a blue print for their principals, who have already hit off well during their meetings in London and L'Aquilla, Italy.
The writer, a former Indian diplomat, is presently a Visiting Fellow at the Brookings Institution, Washington.
INFO: No text found or a Secretary of State to President Barrack Obama, who has captured the imagination of India, a person, who is well known and liked in India, the first chair of the India "Caucus" in the Senate, a presidential candidate, who received massive support from the Indian Americans, Hillary Clinton is arriving in India a little too late.
She has been in office for nearly six months and she has already visited some other countries in Asia and some of her pronouncements in China have caused concern in India. There are other reasons for her to reassure India that the strategic partnership between the two countries is intact. She, therefore, has a hard task ahead of her to make the visit a success.
Of course, the Obama Administration had to wait till the elections in India. Like everyone else, the US might also have expected change in India.
But when the United States voted for change, drastic change, and India voted for no change. The electorate in either country did not have India-US relations uppermost in their minds.
But their votes will have a profound impact on the ties between the two countries.
Public opinion shapes foreign policy in these democratic nations.
Obama has goodwill for India and India has admiration for Obama's emergence. But the hard reality beckons Obama away from India to the killing fields of the Swat valley. He has his own war in Afghanistan.
He wants to keep the generals away from power in Pakistan to preserve a fledgling democracy and yet, he needs to deploy them in his own battle lines.
According to him, India has nothing to offer to the war on terror except to keep out of the way and Kashmir is a mere irritant, which should not distract Pakistan from doing its assigned task.
Offensive suggestions such as appointment of a special envoy for Kashmir and mediation have been abandoned, but in substance, demilitarization of Kashmir and early settlement of the issue are very much on the table. At the very least, India must resume the peace process to give Pakistan a certain level of comfort to fight the Taliban.
In the eyes of some Obama advisers, the nuclear deal was a sell out to India and, given a choice, they would retrieve much of what was given away by Bush. But the Obama Administration is committed to the implementation of the deal in a way it does not hurt the non-proliferation objectives of the United States. The litmus test of the implementation of the deal is whether the Obama Administration will treat India as a partner in non-proliferation or bring it back to the list of targets, with minimum leeway for its responsible behavior.
If it is the latter, India and the US will face roadblocks on the track ahead. It may not be "go!" after "1, 2. 3…", as was expected.
President Obama and Secretary Clinton have set the atmospherics right with India, but it is on policy that trouble may arise. They have stressed continuity in relations, calling the present phase 3.0, which takes on board the Bush policy towards India without challenge.
But beginning with the nuclear agreement, there are several issues on which either side has to find adjustments.
If that is indeed the case, nuclear trade alone need not determine the success of the relationship.
Indian industry has its anxiety over Obama's opposition to outsourcing. If India can provide goods and services cheaper and better, he will find it hard to keep companies from going there, even though his first priority is to create jobs in the Unite States.
Hillary Clinton will face a barrage of questions on Afpak policy and the new Administration's views on Kashmir.
She will have to reiterate that the US has no intention to mediate on Kashmir, as Pakistan wants it to do as a quid pro quo for the war on terror. The assistance given to Pakistan will also be a matter of discussion in New Delhi. President Obama has stated that Pakistan has been using US assistance to arm itself against India.
Hillary Clinton has offered "to cooperate with New Delhi as it shoulders the responsibilities that accompany its new position of global leadership." President Obama himself has said on July 10, 2009 that he is a strong supporter of the UN, but it has to be reformed and revitalized. But they should know that nothing short of a commitment to expand the permanent membership of the Security Council with the inclusion of developing countries will meet the aspirations of New Delhi.
Hillary will find her counterpart, SM Krishna, suave, experienced and knowledgeable.
Having been a student in the United States and a frequent visitor here, he will be able to articulate Indian concerns effectively.
He will also be receptive to her points of view.
Together, they can prepare a blue print for their principals, who have already hit off well during their meetings in London and L'Aquilla, Italy.
The writer, a former Indian diplomat, is presently a Visiting Fellow at the Brookings Institution, Washington.